In November 2016 the Guardian ran this Reuters story following a large demonstration that involved thousands of people clashing with police in Jakarta.
Indonesian president Joko Widodo lashed out at politicians for stoking a huge protest that briefly turned violent on Friday night as a hardcore group pressed for the resignation of Jakarta’s governor, a Christian accused of insulting the Qur’an. The first ethnic Chinese politician to lead this sprawling city of 10 million people, Basuki Tjahja Purnama is standing for re-election in February, competing with two Muslim candidates for the job.
The governorship of the capital is a powerful position and was a stepping stone for Joko Widodo to the presidency two years ago. At a news conference in the early hours of Saturday, Widodo called for calm and took a swipe at politicians – whom he didn’t name – for whipping up demonstrators after most had already gone home.
“We deplore the incident after the Isha prayers, when should have already disbanded but became violent. And, we see this was steered by political actors who were exploiting the situation,” Widodo said.
During the protest police fired tear gas and water cannon to subdue the crowd that authorities said swelled to about 150,000 after Friday prayers as they congregated around the presidential palace. Some protesters threw rocks at the police, two vehicles were torched and a fire broke out near the city’s national monument, but by the evening the demonstration was fizzling out.
However, in a northern neighbourhood of the city there was a late-night clash between police and a few dozen protesters, and social media reports showed a convenience store being looted. Hundreds camped out until around four in the morning beside the parliament building, demanding Purnama be charged with blasphemy.
A police spokesman said one person died and 12 were hurt. Local media said about 23 people were arrested, most of them in the north, where overnight police guarded shopping and residential areas that are home to predominantly non-Muslims.
About a dozen Muslim groups have accused Purnama of insulting Islam after he said his opponents had used a verse from the Qur’an to deceive voters. The verse implies that Muslims should not choose non-Muslims as leaders. Chanting “God is greatest”, many in Friday’s protest waved placards calling for Purnama, popularly known as Ahok, to be jailed for blasphemy. A white banner hung at an overpass was painted with red letters that read “Hang Ahok here”.
Police are investigating the case against Purnama, who has apologised for his remarks, insisting he was not criticising the Qur’anic verse but those who used it to attack him.
Purnama has a reputation as a no-nonsense reformer with little patience for the corruption widely blamed for the chaos and dilapidated infrastructure in an overcrowded city. He remains popular despite efforts by Muslim groups to vilify him and is seen as the frontrunner in the election, though many voters are angry with him for evicting large numbers from slums to modernise Jakarta.
Widodo, a Muslim, has vowed not to interfere in any legal proceedings against Purnama, according to media reports. But he said at his news conference that any legal process involving Purnama would be executed “swiftly, firmly and transparently”.
Indonesia is the world’s most populous Muslim country, but protests on such a large scale are rare. Ethnic Chinese make up just over one per cent of the country’s 250 million people, and they typically do not enter politics. Indonesian Chinese have faced persecution and violence in the past, especially during the political and social turmoil that gripped Jakarta when former president Suharto was toppled.
On Saturday Widodo cancelled a planned three-day visit to Australia, citing the security situation in Jakarta.
Mass rally against Jakarta's governor
The main group behind the rally, the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) which formed in 1999, is known for violent demonstrations and attacks on minorities.
The group tried unsuccessfully in 2014 to block Ahok from becoming governor on the grounds that a Christian should not lead a Muslim-majority city. And later that year, a protest by the FPI turned violent leaving several police officers injured.
These recent developments occur in a complex timeline of interwoven political, religious, national and post colonial ideologies that remain as a constant set of tensions and contradictions.
Islam is the most adhered to religion in Indonesia, with 87.2% of Indonesian population identifying themselves as Muslim in a 2010 estimate. Indonesia has the largest Muslim population in the world, with approximately 225 million Muslims.
In terms of denomination, absolute majority (99%) adheres to Sunni Islam, while there are around one million Shias (0.5%), who are concentrated around Jakarta, and about 400,000 Ahmadi Muslims (0.2%). In terms of Islamic schools of jurisprudence, based on demographic statistics, 99% of Indonesian Muslims mainly follow the Shafi'i school, although when asked, 56% does not adhere to any specific school. Trends of thought within Islam in Indonesia can be broadly categorized into two orientations; "modernism" which closely adheres to orthodox theology while embracing modern learning, and "traditionalism" which tends to follow the interpretations of local religious leaders and religious teachers at Islamic boarding schools (pesantren). There is also a historically important presence of syncretic form of Islam known as kebatinan.
Islam in Indonesia is thought to have gradually spread through merchant activities by Arab Muslim traders, adoption by local rulers and the influence of mysticism since the 13th century.
During the late colonial era, it was adopted as a rallying banner against colonialism. Today, although Indonesia has an overwhelming Muslim majority, it is not an Islamic state, but constitutionally a secular state whose government officially recognizes six formal religions.
First contradiction:
Indonesia is a secular state!
It is illegal to be an atheist in Indonesia!
Q. Why?
A. Pancasila!
Pancasila comprises two Old Javanese words originally derived from Sanskrit: "pañca" ("five") and "sīla" ("principles").
Attempting to unite the diverse archipelago of Indonesia into one state in 1945, the future President Sukarno proposed Pancasila as the foundational philosophical theory of the new Indonesian state (in Indonesian "Dasar Negara"). His political philosophy was fundamentally an amalgamation of elements of monotheism, nationalism, and socialism.
The problem with Indonesia's self-determination as a nation, declaring its independence from this particular European colonial power, was that the territory and the peoples "self-determining" were merely an extension and echo of this sprawling Dutch empire. That these peoples and territories must be "taken" by the forces of "independence" was not in question. For Sukarno this was a challenge, the challenge of launching a new and modern independent post-colonial nation - one of the many challenges of modernity for a "traditional", "feudal" and "backward" country, and a nation that wasn't even its own country.
Sukarno had graduated in engineering and worked as an architect with his mentor, the Dutch architect and professor, Charles Prosper Wolff Schoemaker, who designed several significant Art Deco buildings in Bandung, Indonesia, including the Villa Isola (1932) and Hotel Preanger (1929), and has been described as "the Frank Lloyd Wright of Indonesia,".
He blamed this for the deep poverty and low levels of education of Indonesian people under the Dutch. To promote nationalistic pride amongst Indonesians, Sukarno interpreted these ideas in his dress, in his urban planning for the capital (eventually Jakarta), and in his socialist politics. For Sukarno, modernity was blind to race, neat and elegant in style, and anti-imperialist.
I'm in Jail . . .
Sukarno was seemingly well aware of the capacity for popular culture to generate revolutionary forces within society.
"The motion picture industry has provided a window on the world, and the colonized nations have looked through that window and have seen the things of which they have been deprived. It is perhaps not generally realized that a refrigerator can be a revolutionary symbol - to a people who have no refrigerators. A motor car owned by a worker in one country can be a symbol of revolt to a people deprived of the necessities of life . . . [Hollywood] helped build up the sense of deprivation of man's birthright, and that sense of deprivation has played a large part in the national revolutions of postwar Asia."
However, the Wikipedia article on Sukarno points out that he did not extend his taste for modern art to some aspects of popular culture. Pop music that emulated The Beatles was considered to be a subculture, and as such had been banned by President Sukarno in the early 1960s. In 1965 the Koes Bersaudara (Koes Brothers) were arrested by the Highest Operation Commando (KOTI) for performing covers of Beatles songs. By some strange historical synchronicity they were eventually released on the day preceding the nation's coup d'état, on 29 September 1965, that led to the eventual downfall of Sukarno. This experience resulted in their song "Di Dalam Bui", "I'm in Jail".
The kind of "modernity" Sukarno envisioned for the future state of Indonesia was one, that in the end, would seek a compromise to maintain order within diversity. The citizens of this future state would be followers of Islam, Christianity, Hinduism and Buddhism, but the majority were Javanese and followers of Islam, and this presented Sukarno with a question:
How to shape a framework of values to promote the formation of a "secular" and "pluralistic" state, and mobilize the notion of "unity in diversity"?
Indonesia is a multicultural nation, a diverse country composed of various ethnic groups with different languages, cultures, religions, and ways of life.
On 29 April 1945, with the fall of Philippines to American hands, the Japanese allowed for the establishment of the Investigating Committee for Preparatory Work for Independence (BPUPK), a quasi-legislature consisting of 67 representatives from most ethnic groups in Indonesia. Sukarno was appointed as head of the BPUPK and was tasked to lead discussions to prepare the basis of a future Indonesian state. To provide a common and acceptable platform to unite the various squabbling factions in the BPUPK, Sukarno formulated his ideological thinking developed for the past twenty years into five principles. On 1 June 1945, he introduced these five principles, known as pancasila, during the joint session of the BPUPK held in the former Volksraad Building (now called Gedung Pancasila).
Pancasila as presented by Sukarno during the BPUPK speech, consisted of five common principles which Sukarno saw as commonly shared by all Indonesians:
- Nationalism, whereby a united Indonesian state would stretch from Sabang to Merauke, encompassing all former Dutch East Indies
- Internationalism, meaning Indonesia is to appreciate human rights and contribute to world peace, and should not fall into chauvinistic fascism such as displayed by Nazis with their belief in the racial superiority of Aryans
- Democracy, which Sukarno believed has always been in the blood of Indonesians through the practice of consensus-seeking (musyawarah untuk mufakat), an Indonesian-style democracy different from Western-style liberalism
- Social justice, a form of populist socialism in economics with Marxist-style opposition to free capitalism. Social justice also intended to provide equal share of the economy to all Indonesians, as opposed to the complete economic domination by the Dutch and Chinese during the colonial period
- Belief in God, whereby all religions are treated equally and have religious freedom. Sukarno saw Indonesians as spiritual and religious people, but in essence tolerant towards differing religious beliefs
On 22 June, the Islamic and nationalist elements of the BPUPK created a small committee of nine, which formulated Sukarno's ideas into the five-point Pancasila, in a document known as the Jakarta Charter:
- Belief in one and only Almighty God with obligation for Muslims to adhere to Islamic law
- Civilised and just humanity
- Unity of Indonesia
- Democracy through inner wisdom and representative consensus-building
- Social justice for all Indonesians
Due to pressure from the Islamic element, the first principle mentioned the obligation for Muslims to practice Islamic law (sharia). However, the final Sila as contained in the 1945 Constitution which was put into effect on 18 August 1945, excluded the reference to Islamic law for sake of national unity. The elimination of sharia was done by Mohammad Hatta based upon a request by Christian representative Alexander Andries Maramis, and after consultation with moderate Islamic representatives Teuku Mohammad Hassan, Kasman Singodimedjo, and Ki Bagoes Hadikoesoemo.
The founders of independent Indonesia had decided that the state ideology should encompass and shelter the whole spectrum of Indonesian society, in which a consensus for common good must be strived for and allowing justice to be served. This was following much debate between nationalists who called for a pluralistic state and Islamists who wanted a religious state ruled by Islamic law or sharia. The nation's founders chose religious tolerance. Pancasila encourages Indonesians to practice moderation and toleration, thus radicalism and extremism are discouraged. In order to live harmoniously in a pluralistic Indonesian society, one's membership of a religious, ethnic, or social group should not dominate, discriminate, or be prejudiced in their relations with other groups.
As the result, Pancasila attempts to function to support pluralism and moderation, a mixing of different ideologies, ranging from the socialist to the nationalist and the religious. However, whilst this institutionalizing of tolerance can be seen as way of protecting values in a multicultural society, it is also provides an essentially conservative framework for a political and even cultural system of control.
Some compromises were made during the formation of Pancasila to satisfy certain elements of Indonesian society. For example, despite its overwhelming Muslim population, Indonesia did not adopt political Islam nor proclaim Islam as its official religion. Other than Islam, Indonesia only recognizes the following world religions:
The adoption of Indonesian instead of Javanese as the national language had practical value as a lingua franca and reduced concerns about favoring the Javanese majority.
- Christianity (Catholicism and Protestantism)
- Hinduism (which also serves as an umbrella for various animist traditions)
- Buddhism
- Confucianism which was added only recently in the 21st century.
Pancasila was influenced by certain aspects of selected world values and ideologies, such as nationalism, humanitarianism, democracy, socialism, and religiosity. The need to unify this diverse country also led to the formulation of the national motto, Bhinneka Tunggal Ika, which can be translated as unity in diversity. It declares the essential unity of its members despite ethnic, regional, social, or religious differences.
However, the first "sila": "Belief in one and only Almighty God with obligation for Muslims to adhere to Islamic law", means it is illegal to be an atheist in Indonesia.
The International Humanist and Ethical Union (IHEU) has criticized the first sila because it does not define a right to atheism, i.e., a rejection of theistic belief, and enables a culture of repression against atheists. The IHEU argued that as long as Indonesian law only recognized the religions of Buddhism, Confucianism, Hinduism, Islam, Protestantism, and the Roman Catholic Church, persons who did not identify with any of them, including atheists, would "continue to experience official discrimination.".
Followers of other religions, in particular Judaism, also face discrimination as they are not officially recognized by the government. Jewish Indonesians often have no choice but to state their religion as Christian on their government issued ID cards.
Indonesia, therefore, is NOT a secular state!
Second contradiction:
Principles that are NOT principles.
The abstract of a paper titled "PANCASILA'S ROLE IN THE GROWING AWARENESS AMONGST THE YOUNG GENERATION OF NATIONALISM IN THE ERA OF GLOBALIZATION" by Ana Irhandayaningsih, Lecturer in the Department of Library Science, Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Diponegoro University, reveals how Pancasila's function is part of a state sponsored process of acculturation and social engineering:
ABSTRACT
The Indonesian nation cannot avoid the challenges of
globalization, but by adhering to the Pancasila as its guiding principles, Indonesia will be able to maintain its existence and identity. This paper argues that nurturing nationalistic spirit within the mind of young generation since times of childhood will make them more resilient to the negative influence and moral decadence rampant in the era of globalization. Thus, by strengthening the morality and ethics through Pancasila education, the young generation of Indonesia will be more equipped to face globalization and maintaining Indonesian identity at the same time.
In the article for TIME Big in Jakarta by Andrew Marshall (Monday, Oct. 03, 2011) he says:
The plot of the erotic horror movie Rintihan Kuntilanak Perawan (Moaning of a Virgin Ghost) goes like this: some Indonesian rock musicians want to boost their band's fortunes. So they abduct a virgin called Alice and drink her blood. But Alice is empowered by a passing wizard and embarks upon a vengeful killing spree. "The old man made me supernatural," she marvels, after chainsawing the band manager's legs off. "Awesome!"
Any gaps in the plot are filled with buckets of fake blood and the ample figure of the film's leading lady. Alice the virgin is, rather implausibly, played by American porn star Tera Patrick, 35, previously seen in Ecstasy Girls 2, Reign of Tera and dozens of other hard-core videos. "She's a legend," says K.K. Dheeraj, whose Jakarta company K2K Production will soon release its third film featuring an American porn star. "All Indonesians know Tera Patrick."
At which point an innocent might ask: How, exactly? The production, sale and distribution of pornography has been banned in the Muslim-majority nation since 2008, and offenders face stiff penalties. (In January pop singer Nazril "Ariel" Irham was sentenced to more than three years in jail after homemade footage of him having sex with two other celebrities appeared online.) The government blocks access to many adult websites and bars sex and nudity in films.
That's why even international porn legends must keep their clothes on in Indonesian movies: wearing a bikini is as naked as Patrick gets. The same goes for Vicky Vette, the pneumatic star of Dheeraj's next film, Pacar Hantu Perawan (Virgin Ghost's Lover), which premieres on Oct. 4. But even while clad, foreign actresses help spice up what Dheeraj feels is an increasingly bland B-movie genre. Censorship has become stricter since the antipornography law, he says. And yet there are countless adult sites that haven't been blocked and a vast array of DVDs on sale in malls and markets in defiance of the law, helping stars like Patrick generate a high local profile. "Tera's films are illegal here, but you can get them easily," says Dheeraj.
That's at odds with Indonesia's creeping conservatism. The limits of the country's religious tolerance were laid bare in February, when a Muslim mob killed three members of the Islamic Ahmadiyah sect. A dozen mob members got three-to-six-month jail sentences for assault and other charges; an Ahmadi received six months for defending himself.
Big in Jakarta continued . . .
Dheeraj's movies are testing these limits further — but for profit, not principle. "I'm in Indonesian movies just for business," he admits. A bachelor in his mid-30s, he lives with his ethnic Indian parents in an incense-scented mansion in Menteng, one of Jakarta's toniest districts. The family fortune helps fund Dheeraj's films.
As he does with all his movies, Dheeraj thanks his parents in the opening credits of Rintihan Kuntilanak Perawan, which was shot in secret in Jakarta and hilly West Java. "Nobody knew Tera was here," says Dheeraj — although the film did come to the attention of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), a vigilante group that raids nightclubs and shops selling alcohol and porn. Dheeraj went to the FPI's Jakarta headquarters to give its leaders a private screening. They didn't like it ("They watched in silence," he recalls), but were satisfied that it wasn't porn, even though it featured a porn star. "Nice people," he says.
Usually, though, Islamic hard-liners need something to get outraged about and Dheeraj provides that something — before adroitly converting their outrage into publicity. It's an almost symbiotic relationship. Take Pocong Mandi Goyang Pinggul (Shrouded Corpse Bathing While Hip-Shaking), released in April. Sasha Grey — best known outside porn as Vince's girlfriend in the HBO series Entourage — stars as a bikini-clad ghost. The FPI threatened violent protests if Grey went to Indonesia to promote the movie. At the time, Dheeraj vowed to hire 50 bodyguards to protect her but now claims there were never any plans to take Grey over. "It was just a publicity gimmick," he says, grinning.
The release of Pacar Hantu Perawan was delayed because of the Muslim holy fasting month of Ramadan. The film stars 46-year-old Vicky Vette — an accountant whose porn career began when she moved from Norway to the U.S. in her mid-30s — but her scenes weren't shot in Indonesia.
"Vicky didn't want to come here," says Dheeraj. "She had a problem with the Minister." That would be Tifatul Sembiring, Minister of Communications and former chairman of the conservative Islamic Prosperous Justice Party. Last November, during a U.S. presidential visit, Tifatul was derided for enthusiastically shaking Michelle Obama's hand after declaring he would never touch a woman he wasn't related to. Vette called the incident "handshakegate" and began taunting the Minister on Twitter. "You can touch me in public anytime you want, cutie!" ran one of her less obscene jibes. It boosted her profile but made a trip to Indonesia risky. Vette feared that people "would stone me or put me on trial for making sex tapes."
Vette's scenes were thus shot Stateside, but with Indonesia's film censors in mind. While nudity is forbidden, skimpy dresses and bikinis are O.K. if they are appropriate to the location. This explains why Dheeraj's movies largely take place in nightclubs and poolsides. Some of the footage nonetheless caused problems. "Vicky's big," says Dheeraj. "When she wears a bikini, it looks like ... whoa." He was forced to cut or re-edit several scenes, including one of Vette in a negligee. "It was vulgar," he admits.
That's a charitable description. With their vapid scripts, gore and wet T-shirts, Dheeraj's movies aren't Oscar material. "He doesn't care what people say about his movies as long they make a profit," says Ahmad Shovian, a writer for Filmoo.com.
Dheeraj shrugs. "People complain about my movies, but they still watch them," he says. "Sometimes I make a movie and I won't even like it." He seems excited about his next one, though. It will be shot entirely in Indonesia, with an American actress. Who? "A big one — bigger than Tera and Vicky," Dheeraj smiles. Bigger than Patrick and Vette? Awesome.
This article points to a globalized entertainment and information environment where social, cultural and legal barriers are permeable to a greater or lesser extent, and are reflective of the cultural differences that are found in the social norms amongst the metropolitan and industrial populations and the agrarian based ways of living in the villages.
In both city and village, the diversity found in the Indonesian archipelago is a challenge to national identity, to religious identity, and to political identity. However, the city affords the potential of a degree of anonymity that an urban environment allows, and this aspect is, in itself, a significant aspect of modernity.
AsiaNews.it reports on the mass exodus of Muslims from Jakarta at Ramadan!
Millions of people leave the main cities for their places of origin to celebrate the event with family. Traffic jams block roads whilst transit prices rise. Hundreds are involved in road accidents. In the capital, streets are deserted as businesses close.
Jakarta (AsiaNews) - Jakarta residents have begun the traditional exodus towards their places of origin in Sumatra, Java and the other islands of the Indonesian Archipelago to mark the end of Ramadan, the Muslim month of fasting and prayer, by celebrating Idul Fitri (19 and 20 August) with family and friends. Like Lunar New Year celebrations in China and Vietnam, the celebration of Lebaran (the nickname for the Muslim event) is a time of mass migration (mudik) for Indonesians who travel en masse to the towns and villages where they were born or where their families came from, a Biblical flight that chokes the roads, big and small, leading out of the big cities, full of cars and passengers patiently waiting.
At the start of the mass exodus, a rush is on for the last ticket home on overcrowded buses, trains or planes. Despite government directives, transportation companies usually jack up the prices to extract the maximum profit. Yet, despite the price gouging, all tickets are sold for everyone wants to make it home for the holiday. And for those who do not take collective transport, there are always the long hours on a motorcycle; sometimes even 24 hours, twice the normal time.
Not all is good at Mudik time. The number of road accidents explodes. According to figures from the Transportation Ministry, at least 398 people have died so far in this year's exodus. Yesterday alone, 58 people died on the road and more than a hundred were injured. Not much different from previous days when the death toll stood at 42, 54, 47 and 66.
For those who remain in Jakarta, there is the consolation that they will have a deserted capital all to themselves. Although security forces will remain on alert, all other government services (and offices) will be closed for at least a week.
Finally, not all Indonesian Muslim organisations and believers agree on the correct day for the celebration. For Muhammadiyah, the country's second largest Muslim organisation, Ramadan ends on 19 August. For the government and Nahdlatul Ulama, the largest (moderate) Muslim group, the holy month ends on 20 August.
The safety of the crowd?
A danger in the villages?
Archipelago - Nusantara
This image of the Indonesian archipelago and the Malay peninsula just before dawn and sunrise, shows a distribution of the nighttime use of electric lighting. The comparatively intense glow across Java and Bali relative to Sumatra, Borneo and the many islands that are part of Indonesia, shows where the majority of the nation's population live and work.
Nusantara is an Old Javanese word which appears in the Pararaton manuscript. In Javanese, Nusantara is derived from nūsa, meaning 'island' and antara, 'between'. It means "outer islands" or "other islands" (in the sense of "islands beyond Java in between the Indian and Pacific Oceans"), originally referring to the islands outside of Java under hegemony of the Majapahit Empire. The term is commonly, but erroneously, translated as "archipelago" in modern times.
Map showing: The core realm of the Majapahit Empire, known as Negara Agung, or the Grand State: The Mancanegara, the areas surrounding Negara Agung — this traditionally referred to the Majapahit provinces of East and Central Java ruled by the Bhres (dukes), the king's close relatives. This included the rest of Java as well as Madura and Bali: The Nusantara, were the areas which did not reflect Javanese culture, but were included as colonies which had to pay annual tribute. This included the vassal kingdoms and colonies in the Malay peninsula, Borneo, Lesser Sunda Islands, Sulawesi and Maluku. These regions enjoyed substantial autonomy and internal freedom, and Majapahit officials and military officers were not necessarily stationed there; however, any challenges to Majapahit oversight might have drawn a severe response.
In 1920, Ernest Francois Eugene Douwes Dekker (1879–1950), also known as Setiabudi, proposed Nusantara as a name for the independent country of Indonesia which did not contain any words etymologically related to the name of India or the Indies. This is the first instance of the term Nusantara reappearing after being first used in the Pararaton manuscript half a millennium years ago.
The definition of Nusantara introduced by Setiabudi is different from the 14th century definition of the term. During the Majapahit era, Nusantara described vassal areas that had been conquered. Setiabudi defined Nusantara as all the Indonesian regions from Sabang to Merauke, without the aggressive connotations of its former imperial usage.
Nusantara Philosophy
The term Nusantara has been used in ways that echo the original concept of Pancasila, the question of how to create a unity, a national identity in the context of multiple identities, religions, histories and traditions? The announcement of the Sixth International Conference on Nusantara Philosophy, to be held in October 2018 at the University Gadjah Mada, presents an image of the Indonesian archipelago represented spatially through the mapping of clusters of people.
Using these clusters of people to map out the Indonesian archipelago suggests a kind of equivalence between all places and all peoples in the state. However, the fact is that it is the most populous island of Java that continues to be the centre of the economy, the centre of cultural influence and political ideology.
LOCAL WISDOM & IDEOLOGY RESILIENCE: REINVENTING A CULTURAL STRATEGY.The theme of the Fourth International Conference on Nusantara Philosophy in 2016 was:
One of the speakers was the Governor of the National Defence Agency (Lemhanas), Agus Widjojo. In his presentation he said that the index of Indonesian national resilience had decreased in the years between 2014-2015 especially in terms of ideology.
The index of ideology had fallen from 2.30 in 2014 and decreased to 2.23 in 2015. This is presumed to be the impact of globalisation.How is this index measured? Why, in the context of a "creeping conservatism" in Indonesia, is the presumption as to the cause of this "fall in national resilience" attributed to globalisation?
Agus said of 34 provinces in Indonesia, only 5 provinces were classified as resilient while as many as 28 are less resilient.
He also mentioned that, in terms of state fragility, Indonesia ranks on the 86 of 178 states that have been surveyed by The Fund for Peace. The Fund for Peace is a US non-profit, non-governmental research and educational institution. Founded in 1957, FFP "works to prevent violent conflict and promote sustainable security."
The Fund for Peace works towards sustainable security and development in failed states by focusing on conflict assessment and early warning, transnational threats, peacekeeping, and security and human rights. The Fund for Peace maintains programs in Nigeria, Uganda, Liberia, and works with private business in conflict zones to better secure the interests of businesses, local populations, and their governments.
FFP publishes the annual Fragile States Index, used by researchers, educators, and governments across the world.
Agus then refers to Pancasila as the means and solution to the problem of falling national and provincial "resilience":
To resolve this, strengthening of Pancasila ideology needs to be done through concrete implementation, strengthening of the delivery of Pancasila ideology, a strengthening of institutions, and a synergy of political views and political support, as well as funding.
“It has become our vested interest to give an affirmative ground to strengthening the Pancasila ideology as the state basis,” he said.
Governor of Yogyakarta, Sri Sultan HB X, highlighted the local wisdom based cultural defence. He said the state that has a cultural strategy means has guidance in moving forward with the background of national personality, excellence cultural continuity, inner power of the culture as national resilience element as well as the binding power to strengthen the national unity.
Rector of UGM, Prof. Ir. Dwikorita Karnawati, M.Sc., Ph.D., said in her remarks that Pancasila has become the main spirit for Universitas Gadjah Mada. UGM Faculty of Philosophy continues to develop the Pancasila in science and practice. They plan to establish a centre for Nusantara philosophy development in the next five years.
Through a synergy between all stakeholders, the Rector projected that in 2030, Pancasila and Nusantara philosophy can be the world benchmark to establishing world peace.
This aspiration at the 2016 conference is, perhaps, over optimistic. From the nearby state of Singapore, the assessment in The Straits Times, a publication that is seen by many as a "government mouthpiece", is that what was happening in Indonesia during 2016 was an ideological war.
Leo Suryadinata's opinion piece Indonesia's ideological war sets out cogent observations supported by a sound historical context. The writer is Visiting Senior Fellow at ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute.
Indonesia is entering some sort of "ideological war".
It started with the struggle between the reformists and entrenched interests and their supporters. The reformists are represented by President Joko Widodo (alias Jokowi) and Jakarta Governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (alias Ahok) and their supporters, while the entrenched interests are represented by former president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and former presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto.
The entrenched interests are using Islam (including the militant version of the religion and its adherents) to counter the reformists, as it is difficult, if not impossible, to get rid of the reformists using just secular issues.
The Nov 4 demonstration in Jakarta against Ahok basically reflected this struggle.
In fact, looking at their backgrounds, both the reformists and entrenched interests are secular, although the entrenched interests have a stronger "authoritarian" tendency.
While the entrenched interests made use of militant Islam for their agenda, it does not necessarily follow that they would like to establish a Muslim state (a state with Islam as the official religion) and later an Islamic state (a state based on Islamic Sharia law).
In their calculation, the entrenched interests would return to their original "secular" position once they succeeded in defeating the reformists and acquiring political power.
They may not have fully realised that by playing the Islamic card, they have released the "Islamic ideological force" which may be out of their control.
There is little doubt that the Nov 4 demonstration was organised by groups able to finance the activities. Jokowi's democratic government could not ban the demonstration, but they were able to make it peaceful, until in the evening when some perpetrators started to loot and burn vehicles. Some attempted to occupy the DRP-MPR building without success. Nevertheless, the riots were controlled as the government was well prepared.
The objectives of the entrenched interests, to push Ahok out of the race for Jakarta governor next year, and simultaneously weaken Jokowi, were not achieved. They immediately planned to have another large demonstration on Nov 25, but failed when the police refused to approve one. The Islamic leaders eventually agreed to a "mass rally" to pray together. This demonstration or "rally" will be held today.
Ordinary Indonesians may not understand the complicated power struggle in Jakarta. Nevertheless, they can easily understand the slogan or simple ideology. The contest is pitched as a tussle between "Islam" and "Non-Islam" (anti-Islam) forces, which is extremely distorted.
It also runs counter to the Indonesian ideology called "Pancasila", which used to be actively promoted and widely accepted. The first principle of Pancasila is "Belief in Almighty God". It, however, does not put Islam as the only official religion in Indonesia, and instead embraces a multi-religious Indonesia. Pancasila was effective in curbing any rise of an "Islamic state" .
During former president Suharto's era, Pancasila was promoted as the sole ideology. He used it to defeat his political rivals and maintain his authoritarian rule. As a result, when he was forced to step down, Pancasila appeared to have the mark of Suharto, rather than the original advocate Sukarno, who proposed the state ideology on June 1, 1945, when Indonesia was preparing for independence.
Although Pancasila was not abandoned after the fall of Suharto, and many political parties still use it as their political foundation, it is no longer highlighted as the core Indonesian ideology.
A few Islamic parties after the fall of Suharto openly use Islam as the party ideology. These Islamic parties managed to obtain between 32 and 35 per cent of the votes. Although still a minority, they never gave up on the Islamic principle.
In Indonesia, 87 per cent of the population is Muslim but a large number of Muslims in Java are moderate and were not in favour of an Islamic state.
Those who do not agree with the Islamic foundation of the Indonesian state, including many Muslims themselves, now use pluralism as their ideology.
In Bahasa Indonesia, the term used is either Bhineka Tunggal Ika (Unity in Diversity) or NKRI (Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia, the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia).
In an attempt to counter the push for an "Islamic state", the commander-in-chief of the Indonesian military TNI, Gatot Nurmentyo, proposed that on Nov 30 all Indonesians organise gatherings of "Doa Bersama Nusantara Bersatu", which is translated as "pray together for the Unity of the Archipelago".
The state-sponsored event attracted many private citizens concerned about the ideological battle now going on in Indonesia. Gatherings were held in many major cities, showing that many people support the government's attempt to advance a more plural, less overtly Islamic, agenda.
The celebration did include Islamic components - it was a gathering for group prayer after all - but the "red and white", the Indonesian national flag, was stressed. People sang the national anthem and other Indonesian national songs to show their concern for the unity and solidarity of Indonesia.
Next comes the rally to be held today. The government has been swift to try to reduce the risks of this event. For example, it has sealed an agreement with many Islamic leaders to demonstrate not on Jakarta streets but at Monas, a large park in Jakarta used in the previous demonstration. The hope is that the demonstration can be transformed into a peaceful gathering for Indonesian Muslims and non-Muslims to pray together for the unity of the Indonesian Republic.
The entrenched interests still want to use today's event to get rid of Ahok. They have intensified their propaganda to detain Ahok for making remarks allegedly insulting Islam, although a court case is in progress.
Meanwhile, Ahok continues to campaign for the gubernatorial race and the PDIP and others continue to support him.
Beneath the politics, Indonesia is engaged in a quiet but vital ideological struggle - one between the idea of a Muslim or Islamic state, and that of a more pluralistic vision of a multi-religious Indonesia, which in the past was called Pancasila.
The demonstration
Huge crowds descend on Jakarta to demand the Indonesian capital’s governor be arrested for insulting Islam
Shock sentence comes after hardline Islamist groups called for Christian official to be jailed for referencing Qur’an verse
Religious tolerance under scrutiny as court sentences Basuki Tjahaja Purnama – nicknamed Ahok – to two years in prison
So Pancasila principles are NOT principles.
All Ahok had done was to expose the misuse of the Qur'an in the context of political trickery. The blasphemy charge related to Ahok’s reference to a passage of the Qur’an during his re-election campaign in September, which hardline Islamist groups said amounted to insulting the holy book.
He insinuated that his opponents had used a Qur’anic verse to trick people into voting against him. An edited version of the speech went viral, sparking outrage. Ahok, a Christian with ethnic Chinese roots, is a “double minority” in Indonesia.
Ahok lost his bid for re-election in an April run-off to a Muslim rival, Anies Baswedan, who is scheduled to take over in October. The vote was the most divisive and religiously charged in recent years.
With Ahok in detention, Jakarta’s deputy governor, Djarot Saiful Hidayat, will assume the role of acting governor.
The decision to jail Ahok surprised some observers because prosecutors had called for a conditional sentence of two years’ probation.
They also dropped their demand that Ahok be charged with blasphemy under article 156a of the criminal code, which carries a maximum five-year sentence, instead recommending that he face a lesser charge.
Andreas Harsono, an Indonesia researcher at Human Rights Watch, said the verdict was “a sad day for Indonesia”.
“Ahok’s is the biggest blasphemy case in the history of Indonesia. He is the governor of Indonesia’s largest city, an ally of the president. If he can be sent to jail, what could happen to others?” he said.
This is the politics of Political Islam, Indonesian style!
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